An estimated 51 CIs, 44 of them campus-based, continue to operate, down from a peak of 110 throughout the country. U.S. experts and policymakers cannot operate under the flawed and debunked assumption that China cannot innovate in these emerging technologies. China's investments in smart cities have yielded a major windfall. Brookings will not accept gifts from donors who seek to undermine the independence of its scholars research or otherwise to predetermine or influence recommendations.). How can the United States and its democratic partners set international rules of the road for AI that support democratic values? Chinese capabilities and ambitions have grown substantially to become the second largest economy in the world, largest trading partner for all regional economies, and a formidable military power with sizable and non-transparent defense expenditures. Hanban additionally provided language teaching materials, if requested, and paid the salaries and international travel costs for the Mandarin language teachers from the Chinese partner university, as well as grants for research, study tours to China and other matters in some cases. Early attempts to impose political requirements for CIs to support the One China Principle or refrain from discussing Tibet, for example, were rejected. What began as a messaging app no different than WhatsApp or Skype has evolved into a high-tech Swiss Army knife of sorts. Reducing methane emissions can provide outsized near-term benefits in reducing warming, a crucial benefit in a transition that is bound to take time. There also is deep interdependence between the United States and China across a range of issues. Online. In the financial realm, the United States and China are the key players who create a low-inflation environment for the global economy. China now touches virtually every region in the world how is Chinas increasing involvement impacting South Asia, the Middle East, Latin America, and elsewhere? What are the differences within Europe regarding relations with China, and can the United States and Europe develop common approaches to respond to Beijings economic, political, and military challenges? In addition, K-12 schools continue to host about 500 Confucius Classrooms. But China is not just a growing military power; its also increasingly intent on wielding a combination of diplomatic and economic tools to challenge or reshape the terms and conditions of global order and global governance. The push toward a state capitalist systemone in which ostensibly private Chinese firms compete alongside traditional SOEshas put new and innovative Chinese companies on the global stage. And like Britain and the United States before it, it increasingly views its challenge to the primacy of the status quo power and its growing influence in global order and governance, as two sides of the same strategy. This, combined with its extensive set of development, infrastructure, technology and energy investments and loansnot just in the developing world, but in emerging markets in Latin America and the smaller economies of Europe is giving China a major platform for leverage and influence within globalization itself, and on global issues. A 2019 report from Chinas National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) even attempts to differentiate Chinese smart cities from foreign ones; the latter focus on the management of things, while the Chinese version focuses on people. At stake are core democratic values that underpin free and open societies. In essence, Chinese technological innovation is a system of re-innovation, or zaichuangxin; it does not mirror other global paradigms. CNAS's 2020 report that advocated for a U.S.-Taiwan trade agreement warned of think tanks receiving "substantial funding from Beijing that is often targeted at shaping views and discourse on China.". Isaac Stone Fish: Why are U.S. companies working for a Chinese firm thats implicated in ethnic cleansing? Beyond WeChat, China is now home to many of the worlds leading fintech companies, including Ant Financial and JD Finance, among others. How does current U.S. policy respond to Chinese influence and strategy in the region? Every day, China is disproving this line of thinking. It also aims to leverage new forms of AI-enabled surveillance and repression in ways that strengthen its illiberal model of governanceboth within China and around the world. It remains too soon to determine whether these interdependencies will mitigate or intensify rivalry. Australias caution on Taiwan may not last, To Rule the Waves: How Control of the Worlds Oceans Shapes the Fate of the Superpowers, Project on International Order and Strategy. The Brookings Institution (Brookings) is a private, non-profit, independent public policy research organization. The Brookings Institution, a prominent Washington, D.C., think tank, partnered with a Shanghai policy center that the FBI has described as a front for China's intelligence and spy recruitment. These closings and the attendant inflammatory rhetoric exacerbate a national foreign language deficit at a time when training Mandarin speakers familiar with an ever more consequential China should be a national priority. Devising effective policy prescriptions will require new thinking about how the United States should navigate its relationship with China. He is also Special Advisor to the CEO of the Asia Group, Research Director for the McCain Institute's Kissinger Fellowship Series on U.S.-China Relations, and an Adjunct Senior Fellow at the Center for a New American Security. How might a global China use economic sanctions? Assets and funding. Nor can the possibility of direct U.S.-China conflict be dismissed should there be another Korean War. All views expressed only represent the personal opinions of the author. The Biden administration should lift, or provide necessary waivers of, federal funding restrictions on universities that demonstrate appropriate academic freedom and institutional safeguards around their CIs, which are no longer directly funded by the Chinese government. Qatar, the small but wealthy Middle East nation, agreed last year to make a $14.8 million, four-year donation to Brookings, which has helped fund a Brookings affiliate in Qatar and a project on. Even critics concede the CI program has provided valuable learning experiences otherwise unavailable due to budget constraints and the lack of Mandarin teachers at universities and public schools across the nation. Hanban contributed start-up funds to, and shared operating costs with, the U.S. partner institution, which also supplied classrooms and administrative support. As a centralized visa sponsor, CIUS could help ensure compliance with U.S. law and serve as an information clearinghouse on Chinese CI personnel in the U.S., one of the benefits the department had hoped to obtain from the CIUS foreign mission designation. Despite promising to produce thin and modern 7-nanometer chips, SMIC lacks the machine tools to make them. Disturbances in the financial system, especially the U.S. one, lead to crises in the developing world. The proliferation of WeChat throughout Chinese societyspanning generations and across the urban-rural divideis a monumental feat and demonstrates WeChats adaptability. At the same time, Beijing also will want to preserve some headroom for further escalation should future circumstances require. employees 565 2021 [2] This project is a 135MW gas to power plant by Sinohydro (a brand of Power Construction Corporation of China) and Supreme Trading. With U.S.-China bilateral technology investment seeing a steep 96 percent decline since 2016, Beijing has been forced to look for new ways to source key technologies, turning to shell companies and intermediary agents to source foreign components, reagents, and other relevant equipment. Analysis / Bias For China, Taiwan is a matter of national unity and righting historical wrongs. To some extent, they werent entirely wrong. In turn, Brookings Institute staff like Richard C. Bush (a former member of the National Intelligence Council and a U.S. national intelligence officer for East Asia) vociferously champion the . For the United States, strategic competition with China will be a defining feature of the 21st century. What are the implications of Chinese activity across various strategic domains security, infrastructure, economic statecraft, and more for the United States? Elsewhere, CIs continued to open in Chile, South Africa, Kenya and Greece, with plans to establish them in Dominica, Maldives, Chad and Central Africa. What are the set of core U.S. national interests that should result in strategic and well-resourced Indo-Pacific initiatives? However, despite successes in fintech and smart cities, China continues to struggle to innovate in key areas, particularly advanced computer chips and the expensive machines that make them. Brookings Institution is a 501 (c) (3) non-profit organization funded through donations. Some CIs specialized in areas such as healthcare, business, Chinese food and beverage culture, and Chinese film. Since President Xi Jinping in 2013 launched the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which aims to facilitate exchanges between China and the broader Eurasian region through new land and maritime links, it has become the country's signature foreign policy venture. These findings will help shape discourse on the tools available to the United States and its partners to address Chinese behaviors of concern. Rush Doshi is the Brookings-Yale Fellow (on leave) at the Brookings Institution and Yale Law School's Paul Tsai China Center. According to the 2020 Global Innovation Index, China is now the 14th most innovative country in the world, a major improvement on its 43rd ranking just 10 years ago. A congressionally-commissioned study by the Government Accountability Office (GAO) published in February 2019 essentially supported that view. The GAO found that, although 42 of the 90 agreements contained confidentiality clauses, many agreements are publicly available, either posted online, as at least 11 universities did, through state open records laws, or upon request. Mr. Xie held the same position in the lead-up to the 2015 Paris Agreement, and the joint announcement of the U.S. and Chinas Paris Agreement pledges at the end of 2014 was a key event to generate momentum for the Paris process and signal that the two largest emitters were taking it seriously. How should the United States purposefully adapt its approach to China to best protect its fundamental interests? Broadly, can the U.S. and China find a way to cooperate on energy and climate issues amidst their strained relationship? After describing the benefits including increased resources and concerns about potential constraints on campus programming and speech associated with CIs, the GAO reported that school officials denied having such concerns about their CIs, a finding supported by a contemporaneous 2019 Senate report. In 2014, West spoke at Huawei Innovation Day in Milan. Just as it would be a disservice to not mention the background, for example, of the Open Society Institute, funded by billionaire financier George Soros, who advocates a left-of-center agenda.. In a 2014 report on CI partnerships, the American Association of University Professors (AAUP) argued that allowing third-party control of academic matters compromises academic freedom and institutional autonomy. Although recent estimates suggest that China is still behind the United States in terms of quality of its universities, Chinas significant progress over the last two decades should not be discounted. The ones that are likely to have the greatest effect on rebalancing China's economy fall into four areas: (1) the household registration system (hukou); (2) inter-governmental fiscal reform: (3). How can global players urge China to make its funding more transparent and concessional, and channel more via multilateral routes such as the World Bank? The global CI program was initially launched under Chinas Ministry of Education (MOE) in 2004, and more recently has been advanced as part of the PRCs national strategy of Chinese culture going global. It consists of campus-based language and culture partnerships formerly funded in part and supported by the MOE. The investment size is US$180 million. Moreover, after the Hanban reorganization in June 2020, CIUS is no longer directly supported by Chinas MOE, nor has it received any funding from CLEC or CIEF and must look to fundraising from Chinese and U.S. universities and other sources. However, the Chinese International Education Foundation (CIEF), a nominally independent organization registered with the Civil Affairs Ministry, supervised by MOE, and initiated by 27 Chinese universities, companies and social organizations, will manage the CI brand and program. What actions can the United States take to allow for China and other developing countries to have greater say in these institutions? The Brookings report did, at least, disclose who provided support for the research: Support for this publication was generously provided by Huawei. In other words, Brookings praised Huaweis technology in a report sponsored by Huawei. Rather than copying capitalist systems like that of the United States, the Chinese government has sought to create a system that, through various formal and informal channels, promotes connectivity between state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and nominally private Chinese enterprises. What role can China play in restructuring debts and ensuring their sustainability? It is modernizing its forces with a range of advanced technologies while preparing a nuclear weapons buildup that could make it a near-peer of the United States by the nuclear metric within a decade or so. How state and local leaders can harness new infrastructure funding to build a stronger, more . In what ways do Chinas relations with India create opportunities and challenges for the United States? CI partnerships also became embroiled in a Department of Education (DOE) initiative to enforce a foreign gift reporting requirement. Universities should, of course, continue to be vigilant against the potential for unwelcome influence including implicit pressure on faculty to self-censor, as well as to ensure compliance with the Department of Educations foreign gift and other reporting requirements, and visa rules for CI exchange visitors. Chinas smart cities market is estimated to be worth more than $1 trillion, and three Chinese entities dominate smart city patents. To be sure, Beijings reliance on imported technologies goes well beyond foreign-designed semiconductors. Is China interfering in American politics? Sometimes, they have co-directors from China and the United States but many are directed by a U.S. faculty director and a Chinese deputy. What are Americas most fundamental interests in its relationship with China and what are desirable but secondary interests with China? However, the legal, illegal, and extralegal appropriation of foreign technologies and products is only one part of the story. The most profound change in the Indo-Pacific, undoubtedly, is the emergence of a peer competitor for the United States: China. As my colleague at the Center for Security and Emerging Technology (CSET) Anna Puglisi has written, discussions surrounding China as a strategic competitor have been shaped by the notion that only democracy can promote innovation and creativity, that a market economy provides the only route to success, and that innovation derives from the private sector. The relationship is tilted toward long-term systemic rivalry, but it is not an exclusively rivalrous relationship. On Dec. 5, the news broke that Canada had arrested Huawei CFO Meng Wanzhou for extradition to the United States for allegedly violating Iran sanctions. Although news accounts describe Ren as reclusive, West writes, he found Ren charming, articulate, and funny. (Huawei didnt respond to multiple requests for comment.). GGFs provide a number of benefits, including by helping Chinese policymakers leverage market discipline and expertise and by offering long-term, stable investment capital to startups, helping them to cross the valley of death, the stage between discovery and commercialization. How can the United States deepen its bench of AI talent, from top-tier researchers that push forward the state-of-the-art in both AI algorithms and hardware to engineers and developers that can deploy AI at scale?